When religious harmony is at the heart of Singapore, how should Singapore citizens and their government deal with beliefs that promote the exclusion of others?

On June 18 at Yale-NUS College, scholars of Islamic studies spoke on Salafism, a conservative branch of Sunni Islam that may breed exclusionism.

The event launched Salafism in Lebanon: Local and Transnational Movements, a book by NUS Middle East Institute research fellow Dr Zoltan Pall.

Pall was joined by Professor Martin van Bruinessen, Professor of the Comparative Study of Contemporary Muslim Societies at Utrecht University, Dr James M Dorsey, Senior Fellow at the S Rajaratnam School of International Studies at NTU, Ex-Permanent Secretary of Foreign Affairs Bilahari Kausikan, and Ambassador Ong Keng Yong.

Who are the Salafis?

Salafis are Muslims who advocate reviving the Islamic practices and ways of life as practised by the first three generations of Muslims, or the "pious predecessors".

All Muslims look to the pious predecessors to guide their beliefs, but Salafis follow the prophetic tradition. The prophetic tradition promotes a literal interpretation of the recorded words and practices of Muhammad.

According to the Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Religion, Salafis can be divided into three broad groups, based on how they practise Islam:

1. Quietist Salafis shun involvement in politics, be it demonstrating on the streets or running for office. To them, being political detracts them from practising pure Islam. Instead, quietist Salafis try to solve political problems with religious solutions, like remaining steadfast to Islam and converting others to Salafism.
2. Political Salafis try to integrate Islamic traditions into political institutions. The Muslim Brotherhood is an example of this Salafi branch.  Editor's note: The article previously read "The Muslim Brotherhood is an example of this Salafi branch". To clarify: Political Salafis' tendency to be political is rooted in a movement inspired by the Muslim Brotherhood.
3. Jihadi-Salafis, unlike the two above, are not peaceful. They believe in physical action against non-Muslims and what they deem as Muslim apostates. However, Jihadi-Salafism as a classification is disputed. Quietists don't regard Jihadi-Salafis as Salafis, because quietists believe the activities of Jihadi-Salafis have nothing to do with reviving the practices of the pious predecessors.

But it is disputed whether "Jihadi-Salafis" exists as a group. van Bruinessen said at the talk:

"There are jihadists who are also Salafis and Salafis who are jihadists, but there is not necessarily a self-proclaimed group of Jihadi-Salafis."

Salafism in Southeast Asia

Why do people adopt Salafism? It provides a clear framework to understanding Islam, according to the scholars.

As van Bruinessen said:

"Salafism sounds ideological, scientific and reasonable... It’s hard to fight Salafism by finding an answer to it that is satisfying intellectually... Professionals are where debates of religion take place, despite them not knowing much about the religion."

Pall added this:

"Salafism in the beginning appeals to middle class professionals, scientists and doctors. It is black and white."

But he was also careful to note that Salafis are not a "clear cut, identifiable group of people".

What sets Salafism apart from other conservative Islamic movements is that it's not hierarchical. Salafis don't identify and follow a leader.

Salafism expands through networks. These networks can be constructed by financiers, friendships and adherents with a common ideology.

And these networks extend beyond national borders.

Salafism has had influence in Southeast Asia since the late 1960s, with Saudi Arabia's efforts to spread Wahhabism being the main force of creating Salafi networks in the region, according to The Brookings Institution.

In Indonesia, the Saudi-funded Institute for the Study of Islam and Arabic (LIPIA) has become the country's centre of Salafism. Tuition for all its students are free. According to The Atlantic, some LIPIA graduates are sympathetic towards ISIS and some others have founded militant Salafi groups. Indonesian students are also given opportunities to study at universities in Saudi Arabia. Hidayat Nur Wahid, member of the right-wing Islamist party Partai Keadilan Sejahtera and former speaker of Indonesia's legislature, obtained three degrees from the University of Medina on scholarship.

In Malaysia, Dr Ahmad Fauzi Abdul Hamid of Universiti Sains Malaysia told The Star that Muslims are slowly being radicalised. Since the 1990s, he said, Islamic education in government schools are increasingly influenced by Arab theology. There have been reports of school principals making Hindu students watch videos of cow slaughter.

Fauzi told The Star:

"It shows the exclusivist line of thinking. They can’t think along the lines that a particular action will aggrieve a part of the school population even though they are the minority."

Dorsey said at the Monday talk that Salafism can be used to divide communities along sectarian lines:

"In Indonesia and Malaysia, opportunists might use this very convenient movement [Salafism] to spread sectarian discourse against Shia and others, creating a 'us versus them' situation."

Singapore is not exempt from Salafi influence. Voice of America reported last year that there was a budding Salafi movement in Batam targeting university students and the middle class without religious education.

The owner of Radio Hang, a station local to the island, converted to Salafism in 2004 and started to air sermons by "intolerant and hardline preachers". In 2016, two Singaporeans claimed to have self-radicalised after listening to Radio Hang. They were detained after trying to travel to Syria to become ISIS fighters.

The radio station was subsequently cleared of allegations that it spreads radical Islamic teachings by the Indonesian authorities and the station's owner said it has since banned controversial hardline clerics.

Accepting intolerance?

van Bruinessen notes a link between militant movements and Salafism. He cited the Indonesian Islamic militia Darul Islam, which started as an anti-colonial force and then evolved into an anti-republican government force:

"Darul Islam recruited two groups of people. They recruited people who join in the worship and praying and people who don't know about Islam or those who know very little but very committed."

Singapore has a tradition of religious harmony and rejects extreme religious beliefs that might divide the society. Last year, Singapore denied entry of two Islamic preachers whom the Ministry of Home Affairs regarded to advocate "segregationist and divisive teachings" and "disharmony" between Muslims and non-Muslims.

Responding to a police investigation on an imam who made defamatory statements against Jews and Christians, Minister of Home Affairs K Shanmugam said in Parliament:

"We will not tolerate any religious preaching that encourages violence or seeks to pit one religion against another."

So how should Singapore deal with intolerance?

This is Pall's answer:

"I don’t think the Singapore government should address Salafism directly, but the social phenomena with negative impact that are often associated with Salafism. These social phenomena include the increasing intolerance of other religions and separatism."

It should be an effort by the local Muslim community to promote tolerance, van Bruinessen said. "It's not nice for the government to intervene in religious communities."

Top image by Sulaiman Daud.